Duitse natuurwetenschappen en pedagogiek in nederlandse genootschappen rond 1800 APA Holland Universiteits Pers University Press proefschrift dissertatie thesis">
PublicationA study of the reception and distribution of German ideas in the Netherlands
around 1800:
ANNEMIEKE J. A. KOUWENBERG
‘De kennis der Duitsche taal is voor een geleerden hedendaags onontbeerlijk’
Duitse natuurwetenschappen en pedagogiek in nederlandse genootschappen rond 1800. With a summary in English.
Amsterdam & Utrecht 2010.
X, 269 pagina's / pages / Seiten. Met 5 afb. / with 5 ills / mit 5 Abb.
In view of the large number of translations, the popularity of German culture,
literature and science in the Netherlands around the year 1800 is beyond
dispute. German books were translated in huge quantities in the Netherlands,
and were valued by the Dutch public, as reviews testify. In journals, not only
translations were discussed, but also scientific discoveries, political news
and cultural information. A broadly oriented journal such as the Algemeene
Konst- en Letterbode (General Art and Literature Messenger)
(AKLB) devoted extensive attention to news from the German lands: the
appointment of German preachers, the lives of heads of state and schoolmasters
and the latest scientific news were featured in the AKLB.
The popularity of German science and
culture in the journals and translations seems to indicate a general interest
in German ideas. If this interest was indeed generally felt, we should be able
to find its traces elsewhere too. One of the places where this interest came
to the fore was the societies. They held a central position in the eighteenth-
and early-nineteenth-century cultural and scholarly constellation. It is only
logical to assume that they also played an important part in the reception and
distribution of German ideas. In research into Dutch sociability, the
international contacts of the societies have only received scant attention up
to now. Research can be divided into three approaches, first into the society
history in general and the societies as institutions, then into society
ideology and the contents of society activities; lastly, a very limited and
cautious effort has been made to gain some perspective on the infrastructural
aspects of sociability. Especially the latter approach is valuable for the
investigation of the German influx in Dutch societies. This concerns contacts
between societies and the resultant exchange of information. It affords
societies a central position in the enlightened interchange of knowledge and
information. This is precisely the point of departure relevant to the present
research.
To appreciate the position of the Dutch
societies with regard to the influx of German culture and science, I have
researched the archives of the Hollandsche Maatschappij der Wetenschappen
(Dutch Science Society), Felix Meritis and the Maatschappij tot Nut van
‘t Algemeen (Society for Public Benefit) concerning interest in German
ideas and contacts with German societies, scientists and intellectuals.
Archival material of these societies is amply available. Moreover, each of
these had its own position in the cultural constellation of the eighteenth
century: the Hollandsche Maatschappij was the scientific society; Felix
Meritis represented the Amsterdam cultural elite; and the Maatschappij tot Nut
van ‘t Algemeen was a national platform for enlightenment of the public
and educational innovation. The societies therefore offered an opportunity to
investigate the German influences in different fields. The society archives
yield strikingly little on the German influences, if there were any. Only the
Hollandsche Maatschappij had a substantial number of foreign members (a first
indication that a society was interested in developments abroad). Felix
Meritis made cautious efforts to establish an international membership, but
appears to have had little interest in maintaining international contacts. The
Maatschappij tot Nutvan ‘t Algemeen (commonly referred to as
“het Nut”) had no intention to attract foreign members: it was
primarily oriented to local departments, and not on a central organisation
involving foreign members. Moreover, “het Nut” consisted of active
members, and hadlittle room for honorary members. On the other hand, the
Hollandsche Maatschappij had an extensive network of German members.
Especially during the secretariat of Van Marum, membership included a large
number of German scientists. The question seems valid whether the membership
did not primarily reflect his personal interest and contacts, instead of
representing the subjects of interest to the Maatschappij as a whole.
Nonetheless, the segment of German members was substantial.
The large number of German members of the
Hollandsche Maatschappij leads us to a second approach to investigate the
German influx: what can be gleaned from the society’s correspondence
with these German members? Although we may assume that the contact with
foreign, in this case German, members was of great importance to the exchange
of scientific news, the Hollandsche Maatschappij devoted strikingly little
attention to this. The correspondence with the foreign members did not involve
much more than the exchange of the Verhandelingen (Proceedings)
or the forwarding of medals. An exchange of scientific news did not often take
place.
Apart from the study of the membership
files and the correspondence, the possible interest in German ideas can be
traced through the societies’ lectures and competitions. In Felix
Meritis’ various departments, weekly lectures were given, both by
members and by outsiders. At “het Nut” and the Hollandsche
Maatschappij, competitions were organised on a wide range of subjects. Both
the lectures and the competitions can supply us with more insight in the
societies’ interest in different subjects on which they were oriented.
Moreover, the entries for these competitions can show us whether this interest
was shared by other people.
But the study of the competitions and
lectures is not without complications. Although the sources do indeed reveal
what subjects were of interest to the societies, it is not self-evident that
the background and the origin of possible new developments were lucidly
represented. In most cases, it is not specified whether they were based on
foreign (German) discoveries or on research particular to the society itself.
It is also difficult to link competitions to specifically ‘German’
subjects. An exception is the competition organised by the Hollandsche
Maatschappij concerning the arguments for the existence of God in Mendelssohn
and Kant. In many cases, the backgrounds of the competitions were not
explicitly mentioned.
At the societies mentioned, there is ample
extant archival material. In lectures and competitions, a large array of
subjects was treated. For Felix Meritis and even more for the Hollandsche
Maatschappij, the number of subjects is so extensive that a proper survey is
not even feasible. But it is hard to make a well-founded selection, in view of
the lack of information about the origin of the subjects concerned.
The study of lectures and competitions,
though, yields other results: for they make the actions of the societies
visible. The selection of subjects treated in the societies appears to be
largely dependent on the person proposing the subject. Therefore, it seems
that not the societies themselves, but the lecturers at the meetings and the
organisers of the competitions stimulated interest in German ideas. They
introduced the subjects and so determined what was discussed at the
societies.
In view of the important role individuals
played in the influx of German ideas, the position of the societies may be
appreciated differently. On the basis of the first results, I have shifted my
focus from the societies to their individual members. How did they acquire
their knowledge of the important German developments in their profession? Why
was German science held in such high regard? And by what means did they
distribute the newly acquired knowledge in the Netherlands? With these
questions in mind I established four fields of interest, giving a cross
section of the German influx: pedagogy, astronomy, chemistry and
phrenology.
Whoever was interested in matters
concerning upbringing and education at the end of the eighteenth and the
beginning of the nineteenth century could not get round the Dessau
Philanthropists. Their ideas were trend-setting for large parts of Europe, and
were also well-received in the Netherlands. The Maatschappij tot Nut van
‘t Algemeen played an important part in the innovation of elementary
education at the beginning of the nineteenth century. It did not copy the
Philanthropist ideas: it studied these with interest but did not use them as
the self-evident point of departure for its own policy. It appears that
“het Nut” rather employed the German ideas to confirm the
initiatives of the society itself, to give these more authority.
The position of “het Nut” with
regard to the Philanthropists and the German enlighteners of the public
demonstrates how it established its own profile nationally and
internationally. The society used aspects of the Philanthropist ideas which
fit in with its own objectives. The elitist practice of a large part of the
Philanthropist education did not mix well with the egalitarian goals of
“het Nut”. Partly for that reason, in an important report issued
in 1798, Algemeene Denkbeelden over het lager onderwijs (General
Ideas Concerning Elementary Education) the society pointed to pedagogues
similar to the Philanthropists, but specialised in education of lower-class
children. Friedrich Eberhard von Rochow, who enjoyed the admiration of the
Philanthropists themselves, was the most important example for “het
Nut”. Later on, “het Nut” developed a substantial interest
in the Swiss pedagogue Pestalozzi, who also occupied himself explicitly with
poor children.
In the interest of “het Nut”
for German pedagogical innovation and public enlightenment, we can discern a
distinct attention to practice. In most cases, it was interested not in the
theoretical background of the innovation – which was either sufficiently
well-known, or was perfectly attainable through the educational expertise of
the society itself – but in the actual implementation of these plans.
Both with Rochow and with Pestalozzi, “Het Nut” was looking for
direct proof of the successes both pedagogues had had in their educational
practice. Direct and personal contacts enlarged confidence in the new
information. This explains the extensively motivated proposal to send someone
to Pestalozzi at the expense of “het Nut”. This person could
experience the practice of his education himself and would be able to apply
the method on his return in the Netherlands.
“Het Nut” could afford this
predominant interest in practice. Already earlier in the eighteenth and even
in the seventeenth century, upbringing and education had been the subject of
conversation. This uninterrupted debate, kept up by both specifically Dutch
and foreign authors, was the basis for knowledge and opinions current in
“het Nut” about pedagogy and enlightenment of the public. This
basis was in many cases similar to that of the Philanthropists; to a certain
extent, both the Dutch and the German tradition were rooted in Rousseau. With
this basis, “het Nut” did not really need the theoretical
background of the German education innovators. It just wanted to know whether
the new ideas could prove their value in practice.
The attention to practice appears to have
been conclusive also in other subjects. Both in respect to astronomy and in
the field of chemistry, there was a lot of interest in the Netherlands for
practical applications of new insights. Especially this interest was
determining for the influx of German ideas.
During the eighteenth century, astronomy
was not particularly popular. In the Netherlands, this interest grew from the
1790s on. The revival of astronomy in the German lands, just before that,
played an important part in this. The influx of German astronomical interest
in the Netherlands was conducted through the Amsterdam society Felix Meritis,
which held a prominent position in the field of astronomy. Not only was there
sufficient interest, but the society building was also fitted out with an
observatory with excellent equipment. The influence of German developments in
astronomy can therefore best be traced in Felix Meritis.
Pieter Nieuwland and Jan Frederik van
Beeck Calkoen were the most important instigators of the Dutch interest in (a
part of) German astronomy. Their visit to the German astronomer Franz Xaver
von Zach, in Gotha, strongly determined the course of Dutch astronomy inthe
following years. Von Zach was primarily interested in the calculations
pertaining to applied astronomy and moreover had extensive contacts with
astronomers all over Europe. Both through Von Zach’s expertise and his
network Nieuwland and Van Beeck Calkoen (and with them the whole of Dutch
astronomy) received an important impulse. Furthermore, Von Zach was the editor
of an international astronomy journal. Dutch scientists also published in
it.
For Van Beeck Calkoen – Nieuwland
died at a young age – his visit to Germany was the start of his career
in astronomy. He worked hard at the proliferation of the new ideas he had
learned. He published articles in Von Zach’s journals and gave lectures
at Felix Meritis, mostly on the basis of observations and measurements
conducted at the observatory of the society. In this way, he also did Felix
Meritis a service: the society acquired a serious scientific reputation.
Partly due to the contribution of Van Beeck Calkoen, five foreign members
joined in 1802, all astronomers and largely originating from the German lands.
The fact that these well-known astronomers were willing to be associated with
Felix Meritis indicates that the society was taken seriously in scientific
respect. Especially Von Zach’s practical approach had a lot of success
in the Netherlands. The possible applications of the calculations he was so
excellent in had repercussions here. Also in astronomy, practice was more
important than theory.
In the field of chemistry, the practical
attitude of the Germans was equally valued. The Dutch interest, for instance
demonstrable in the Amsterdam apothecary Petrus Kasteleijn, was obviously
directed at the good economic results the Germans had reached by focussing on
chemistry education. The improvements implemented over the years would also
contribute hugely to raising the level of Dutch chemistry practice. Thus,
Kasteleijn stated, the Dutch competitive position could be much improved. The
innovation of chemistry education did not onlyconcern the subject itself,
but also and especially the economic improvements. Kasteleijn was not the only
one interested in Germanchemistry. The Provinciaal Utrechtsch Genootschap
(Provincial Utrecht Society) organised a competition about the question why
the Germans were so much more successful than the Dutch in the field of
chemistry, and in journals such as AKLB and societies such as Felix
Meritis, this subject also received attention.
The authority the German lands gained in
the field of chemistry also influenced the contents of the profession. In the
process surrounding the acceptation of Lavoisier’s new theory,
Kasteleijn kept a close watch on German reception. He seriously doubted
Lavoisier’s theory, notwithstanding experimental proof, and initially
found like-minded people in the German lands. In numerous articles, he
referred to the Germans to motivate his doubts. Apparently, he was of the
opinion that chemistry in Germany was at a high level and could therefore be
considered trend-setting. This confidence was based in Kasteleijn’s
personal contacts with German chemists.
Kasteleijn was not the only one to admire
the Germans, although he was one of the most fanatical; but he was the only
one to doubt Lavoisier’s insights. Nonetheless, his behaviour in this
matter is interesting. Kasteleijn made strategic choices to transmit his ideas
as clearly as possible to the right audience. The importance of personal
influence, as we have seen for astronomy, was also huge for chemistry.
Kasteleijn’s effort for a large part determined the
“success” of German chemistry in the Netherlands. The societies,
in this case primarily Felix Meritis, were less involved in the German influx
than is assumed; they appear to have played a passive role.
The Dutch reception of the phrenological
teachings of the Vienna doctor Joseph Gall had little to do with professional
considerations. The Dutch dismissal was preponderantly socially and culturally
determined. In this way, the matter of Gall is rather similar to the subjects
treated above. Here also, personal contacts determined the final judgment,
which in this case was not positive, but extremely negative.
Gall had developed a theory in order to
determine character traits on the basis of the skull’s shape. After
Vienna had banned his performances, he roamed across Europe with his assistant
to give lectures. In Germany, he had considerable success among the public at
large, but scientists were critical of his theory. The German success caught
on in the Netherlands. In the journal De Ster (The Star), plans
for a visit of Gall’s to the Netherlands received a lot of attention. He
was even featured in his own words, through the publication of parts of his
letters to Dutch acquaintances.
In preparation of his visit, not all news
on Gall was positive. The Amsterdam anatomist Gerard Vrolik was, on the basis
of his anatomical knowledge, very critical about Gall’s statements. The
physicist and philosopher Jacob Elisa Doornik objected to the philosophical
implications of the theory. In both cases, Gall’s claims with regard to
the possibility to acquire information on someone’s character on the
basis of the shape of his skull were debated. The relation between form and
content could never be as unequivocal as Gall claimed, the physicist objected.
From the philosophical standpoint, a further objection was made against the
implication of the predetermination of character, which turned man into
nothing more than a senseless animal. Both Vrolik and Doornik presented their
objections before Gall’s arrival at the society Felix Meritis. Moreover,
they published their treatises. But the Dutch reactions to Gall’s
behaviour had little to do with these fundamental objections.
The hype surrounding Gall, partly
instigated by De Ster, could not prevent that the visit itself turned
into a disaster. Directly after Gall’s first appearance at Amsterdam,
De Ster published an initial reaction of an audience member, which was
anything but positive. Remarkably, thisreaction was due to Gall’s
performance as such. His way of speaking and performing was an insult to the
Amsterdam public, just as he had insulted a number of prominent Dutch
scientists. The negative reactions accumulated, while positive reactions
remained few. Eventually, Gall made himself impossible with his behaviour in
the Netherlands and beat a hasty retreat.
Once again, although in a very different
way from the former subjects, it appears that personal contacts were decisive
for the reception of (German) ideas in the Netherlands. Notwithstanding the
objections before his visit, there was considerable interest in the ideas put
forward by Gall, but his behaviour tipped the scales against him. The
Netherlands was not alone in its critique on Gall: although he had had success
in Germany, there had been a lot of criticism against him to.
On the basis of these four case studies, a
number of conclusions can be drawn about the influx of German (scientific)
ideas in the Netherlands, and the position of the societies in this.
First, it is remarkable to what extent
personal contacts influenced the influx of German ideas. Each of the subjects
researched shows that personal contacts with the German scientific world were
decisive. The persons who promoted German insights in the Netherlands
invariably based their knowledge on such contacts: the substance of their
message was based on the ideas of their German colleagues and tutors. These
contacts were also invoked to emphasise the trustworthiness of the German
ideas. The contacts in the German lands were mostly not the terrain of the
societies themselves, but of their individual members. In some cases, the
societies did have foreign members, but the contacts with them were limited.
For the substantial aspects, we have to look at the individuals.
A second remarkable aspect of the influx
of German ideas is the great value that was set by practical applications as
opposed to theoretical thoroughness. This is especially clear as regards
chemistry and astronomy, but also appears from the interest of “het
Nut” for pedagogical innovations. Finally, the attention of the public
at large for Gall was much more connected to his performances (and therefore
his practice) than to the scientific background of his ideas.
Especially the critical role of
individuals puts the involvement of the societies in a different light. The
central position attributed to them was apparently not due to their
performance in the international scientific circuit. They presumably did not
consider it their task to play a central role in the cultural and scientific
discussions. They mostly profited from the contacts and knowledge of their
members.
Through this attitude, the societies
undermined their own position. On the one hand, they profited from the
position of their members in the international scientific world, but on the
other hand, they were strongly dependent on these members for the influx of
new ideas. To be able to operate internationally, they sorely needed their
members. The members sometimes chose to publish their opinions outside of the
framework of the society. Those who had a message, took care to make it public
to the right audience, which did not necessarily coincide with the membership
of the societies. Especially as regards chemistry, it is clear that the
societies were not the only option. Petrus Kasteleijn chose his public
critically: when his message was directed at the broad public, he presented it
in a society or in articles in the AKLB; more specialist subjects he
published through a strategic outlet: his own journal, the Chemische en
Physische Oefeningen (Chemical and Physics Experiments)
We may conclude that societies played a
rather passive role in the international exchange of culture and science. They
were in a split position: they had everything necessary to participate in the
modern, enlightened transfer of knowledge, but were at the same time bound to
the old customs of the Republic of Letters. The decisive role played by
personal contacts is the most convincing proof of this. (Translation:
Han van der Vegt)